ESTUDIO DE FIGUIG EN INGLES

Overview of Figuig

Between Errachida and the Algerian border crossing at Figuig is 250 miles (400k) of gravel plain desert, with little to relieve the eye, save the occasional palm plantation in the Oued Guir, a scattering of Ksars and the mountains in the distance. Humanity here is mostly represented by military outposts.(Stannard, 1997: 298)

Figuig is an oasis of 150,000 palm trees, with approximately 26,000 inhabitants, located on the southeastern corner of Morocco between the Sahara desert and the Atlas mountains. Until 1912, prior to French colonization, Figuig was referred to as “the country of Figuig” thanks to its relative independence (Abbou, 1997). It extended beyond its current limits to the surrounding rivers, and the mountains; the Touat in the south, Oued Guir to the west, and Oued Namous to the East. Lamoor, the high plateaus of the Atlas mountains create a natural border to the north, while the Tzirt and Tamazought to the east, and Taghla, Izeghdis, and Elmelias to the south fortified its river borders. The population consists of Berbers, who represent the majority, along with Arabs, Jews, and Haratins(black Africans).

Figure 2: Map of Morocco

Agriculture is central to the social and political identity of Figuig. The inhabitants of the oasis survive on subsistence farming with a limited amount of nutrient rich, arable land. The oasis is approximately 1600km². The desert climate did not stand in the way of their survival. Rather their ability to adapt to the harsh weather conditions including limited rainfall and temperature variance ranging from 32-116 degrees Fahrenheit would eventually allow the community to respect its environment and exploit its available resources.

Figure 3: Map of Figuig (Bencherifa, 1992)

Figuig’s water resources are derived from springs originating from the surrounding Atlas mountains, a vast aquifer and water from rivers that extend into the area. The surrounding rivers, including the Ighzar Amkran, Tighzart Ntzkart, and Tighzart Inaserdoun swell during times of rain, though rare as yearly rainfall averages approximately 300mm, to prevent flooding and supplement the water supply.

Figure 4: Satellite Photo of Figuig (Google maps, 2006)

The Oasis of Figuig is geographically divided into two levels. Upper Figuig is situated 900m above sea level and lower Figuig at 870m. There are 35 springs situated along a crescent shaped fault, the mouth of each is located in upper Figuig. Tzadert is the most prolific of these springs and continues to be one of the main sources of water in the Oasis. Table 1 shows the water flow volumes for each spring, as well as location, number of users and farms irrigated.(Official Bulletin, 1975)

Lower Figuig lays claim to the plains of Baghdad (Figure 5) and the river Zouzfana that borders it to the east. The area was named Baghdad by the Arabs that came to Figuig in the 10^th century and who were struck by the resemblance to the city of Baghdad, in Iraq. Lower Figuig has no surface water resources as approximately 95% (or 35 springs) of all springs are located in upper Figuig.

Figure 5: Plains of Baghdad

The population of Figuig is organized into clusters called Ksar(s). Each Ksar is delineated by a walled structure fortified by hundreds of houses. Individual family farms surround each Ksar. Each Ksar was established by new tribes with a distinctive ethnic heritage. Others joined existing Ksars or if a new community was large and strong enough to establish itself territorially and formed their own. As these Ksars were competing against each other for scarce resources, they sought military strength, adaptability, technological capability, social strength, etc. Only the fittest survived. The community of Figuig subsequently evolved into a system of individual ksars with unique characteristics, and developed institutions to support its needs. The governing system of each individual ksar could then effectively wager influence relative to its strength. While there was continual competition for resources among ksars the balance of influence offset monopolistic challenges or destructive controls to support political stability. Today, Figuig is still characterized by division into seven Ksars, Zenaga, Oudaghir, Lamaiz, Ouled Slimane, Hamam Fougani, Hamam Safli, and Laabidate. All but Zenaga are located in Upper Figuig.

Spring	Location	Flow l/s	Number of users	Number of farms irrigated	Size of farms irrigated in Hectars
Tzadert	Zenega	88	859	1039	245
Kaka	Hamam Fougani	11.4	113	67	0
Ifli Eljadid	Hamam fougani	11.4	120	30.8
Tafraout	Hamam fougani	2.1	48	16	5
Tijant	Hamam fougani	0.25	27
Tajmalt	Hamam fougani	0.25	124
Tajmalt	Hamam Safli	8	79	92	17
Ifli Eljadid	Hamam Safli	4.3	79	147	16
Ifli Aourach	Hamam safli		79
Nchi Blachi	Laabidate	1.8	22	29	3
Lkhnak	Zenaga	6.3	111
Tfzart	OUdaghi	20			16
Bahbouha	Oudaghir	11.7	133	148	8
Bmslout	Oudaghir	11.7	135	390	24
Mghni	Ouled Slimane	11.4	139	423	39
Mghni Lodrna	Ouled Slimane	6	72	261	8
Ouled Othman	Zenaga	2.6	36
Ain Elkaid	Laabidate	0.9	42	24	2
Ain Dar Elmanbaa	Laabidate	1.7	39	123	11
Ain Elhamam	Laabidate	0.4	24	18	1
Taghit	Zenaga	3.08	56
Melias	Zenaga	4.7	14
Ali Ouamer	Lamaiz	2.6	50	68	7
Bni Grimane	Lamaiz	7.7	97	97	9
Ain Lourja	Lamaiz	13.4	78	237	24
Amsis	Laabidate	0.4	19
Mimoun	Laabidate	1.9	32	46	4
Ain Lakhil	Laabidate	0.2	28	48	4
Ain Jnan Khris	Zenaga	0	14
Taghla	Zenaga	0	88
Ali Ouamar	Hamam fougani	0.1	23
Essania Essafra	Hamam fougani	0.7	28
Ouled Haman	Laabidate	0.2	28	26	2
Ifli Eljadid	Lamaiz	0.6	34	11	1.5
Tijant	Lamaiz	1.7	37	29	3

Table 1: The springs of Figuig

The social and political structure, of Figuig have been developed by a hydro-agricultural system based on the mastery of water resources management and farming efficiency. It has further incorporated domesticated animals for power to mill agricultural products, transport and sustenance through by-products, e.g. milk, eggs, meat, etc.

Water Access

The water along the River Zouzfana had historically been considered public property the evolution of settlements created a system of land ownership along its banks that precluded non-land owners from accessing the resource. Springs, have traditionally been privately owned thanks to the extensive infrastructure built around each spring. Water rights and Figuig are delineated by property ownership. As an entity, Figuig has no public access points to provide the public with water.

Figure 6: Foggara

Figuig was established during the same cultural era as the oases of Grand Occidental Erg (Touat, Gourara, Tidikelt) whose prosperity coincides with the diffusion of the foggara or quanat technology of Iranian origin (Capot-Rey, 1953, Bisson, 1957, Grandguillame, 1973, Rouvillois-Brigol, 1973). There is, however, some linguistic evidence that shows that Figuig may have adopted its technology from the Hoggar, deep in the Sahara, where many ancestral tribes of Figuig’s Ksars migrated from 2000 years before (Foucauld, 1918, Goblot, 1979). Figure 6 is a schematic diagram of the foggara principle. A tunnel is dug along the hill or mountain to capture the underground water and channel it towards lower farm lands. Vertical wells are dug to provide access from the surface to the tunnel for maintenance. These wells serve, also, as air intake to facilitate the flow of water. They also capture surface and rain water to support the flow of the foggara. Water derived from the foggara is captured in pools and distributed to its owners through an intricate system of canals and switching stations. While it is unclear how water ownership was first determined, many families who participated in the building of the foggara gained water shares as participants in the process.(Gassem, 1986).

Water distribution is overseen by a number of trustees called Asraïfi. Water owners (called Achris) entrust their water to the asraïfi who ensures its equitable distribution to the owners’ farms as well as to those who purchase water from the owner. The asraïfi is charged with ensuring that water is collected from a foggara and held in a collection pool before distribution. He is then responsible for the water reaching the farm. This is considered a very difficult task that demands experience and extensive knowledge as there are few written records. Figure 7 shows a schematic of the switching water station of Equoudas (Bencherifa et al., 1992). Given the demands of this very important position the asraïfi is paid 5 minutes of water per kharouba(1 kharouba = 45 minutes of water flow) (Figuig interviews, 2005).

Figure 7: Water switching station Equoudas (Bencherifa, 1992)

Water is metered using a time unit called a kharouba, which represents 45 minutes of water flow. Because the flow from the Foggara varies depending on rain fall levels, as well as the decline of the aquifer, timed water flow, as opposed to volume, ensures a more equitable distribution system. Asraïfis rely, however, on volume when storing people’s water in their pools. They use a stick with markers that show the levels at which to start and stop the flow to each owner. They frequently calibrate their measuring sticks to ensure accuracy, as water flow fluctuates in the Foggara (Figuig interviews, 2005).

This system of foggaras, pools, and canals, gave the Ksar of Zenaga a tremendous advantage as its location in lower Figuig allowed the force of gravity to accelerate water flow. The other Ksars, all located in upper Figuig, had to rely on pumps to extract water from the foggaras. This geographical advantage, provides a simplified explanation as to the relative prosperity of the Ksar of Zenaga. Figure 8 illustrates water ownership, whereby Zenaga owns 39% of all spring water in Figuig. Figure 9 represents the percentage of farm ownership in Figuig of each Ksar, Zenaga for example, owns 52% of all farm land. (Official Bulletin, 1975)

Figure 8: Water quantity ownership per Ksar

Water is distributed along three types of canals: 1. The khattarate which are underground canals such as the foggaras that end at the water switching stations, equoudas. 2. The principle canals, atoual, extend from equoudas to the pools. They are robust as they were originally built with gypsum, and later reinforced with concrete. They are typically 50cm to 60cm wide and 40cm to 50cm deep. These canals may go through a few switching stations whereby the size of the canal diminishes after every switching station. 3. Secondary canals link pools to the farms. These are normally poorly built resulting in great water loss. According to Zenaga’s Community Judge Ahmed Bouakka, anyone may build a canal(s) through any property if necessary to bring water from the source to a farm or household.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) Social and legal friction is common as some farm owners contest the right of another to construct canals on their property or perform repairs to these canals. This became increasingly common as water owners attempt to fortify their traditional canals, constructed with ground soil, with concrete to prevent excess water loss.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) According to Bouakka, this is one of the more typical cases he oversees today.

Figure 9: Farm land percentage ownership per Ksar

Agriculture

A great appreciation for its natural resources and a culture of environmental sensitivity, along with careful long-term planning has allowed the community to maintain prolific palm groves, making dates the agricultural staple of the oasis. Figuig produces approximately 1700 tons of dates per year, the largest date production in Morocco.(Gassem, 1986) Additionally, each farmer grows what he can under the shade of his palm trees. The palm, while producing valuable, nutrient rich alimentation, also provides shade.

The inherent value of the palm has, thus maintained its prominent status as the core of agricultural production. There are also, approximately, 9000 productive olive trees, in addition to the many other fruit trees and vegetable crops that grow amongst the palms.(Gassem, 1986) Traditional farming methods maintain the three tier structure (Figure 10) whereby the palm is placed at the center, fruit trees encircle the palm and vegetables surround the smaller trees helps to preserve a level of moisture by limiting evaporation, thus requiring less water use. Carefully rotating crops relative to the position of the palms, also allows farmers to harvest crops throughout the year from the same land.

Figure 10: Three tier structure

Given the finite nature of its resource base the production yield of the land can not always meet the needs of the individuals and groups dependant on it. Members of the community have traditionally supplemented their needs by trading goods with those from merchants passing along the caravan routes. In recent years there has become an increased dependence on imported goods including vegetables, cereals and other necessary foods, along with luxury items. The nomads in the region further supplement the needs of the community by trading wool, meat, milk products and fertilizer.

Commerce

Figuig experienced tremendous commercial prosperity in the days of caravan expeditions until the closure of the Algerian border.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) Figuig had two main advantages that enabled it to become an important commercial center; location and heritage. First, its geographical location proved extremely important to its prosperity. It was positioned at the crossroads of the Tafilalt and Sijilmassa caravan route. Travel to and from, perhaps the wealthiest city in Morocco, Fez often required passage through Figuig as it was the location of the end of the road that intersected with the caravan route and other busy crossings.

The second advantage was its ethnic makeup. Figuig’s population is a rich mix of Berbers, Arabs, Jews and Haratins. These ethnic groups maintained commercial links with their lands of origin providing Figuig with access to a variety of products from Fez to Timbuktu. Commerce in Figuig was based mainly on wholesale trade where provisions being exchanged between locals and passing travelers would supply an individual or merchant for months at a time (Bencherifa et al. 1992).

Society

The Oasis was densely populated, averaging 26 people per hectare of irrigated land, and growth was limited by its resource base and its physical boundary with the Sahara and the Atlas Mountains (Gassem, 1986). The community has traditionally been divided into physical clusters surrounded by high walls that defined the boundaries of Ksars (groups of ethnically grouped tribes). To further solidify each Ksar’s unique identity and protect themselves from outside forces, i.e. political, social, and physical, the Ksar is delineated by a fortress like structure. These are reminders of the divisions that resulted from a continual battle for survival in the oasis.

Each traditional farm is located at the edge of the city. In fact, the Ksar is not an extension of the farm. There has been development in recent years beyond the Oasis limits. New homes and farms have been established following untraditional farming methods. The sustainability of Figuig as an oasis, is attributed in great part to its diversified economy, supported by agriculture and other trade. While the farms are physically separated, the city is an extension of the farm only to the extent that the buildings protect food, tools, etc. Each Ksar stands on its own as a center for commerce, artisan craft and trade, and cultural life. The Ksars were able to develop as true urban centers with the proliferation of schools, libraries, and religious organizations (zaouias) that supported a strong cultural life.

Each home in Figuig is an important part of the Ksar supporting the structure and the rich culture and traditions of the community.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) Each home has specific characteristics; the house contains many rooms on numerous levels (often 18 rooms or more divided among three or four levels) around a courtyard with arcades and columns. They house numerous generations of a single family, a cow and/or goats for the daily milk requirements, and a donkey for transportation. The house is constructed of clay bricks and palm timbers. Stones are only used in the foundation and base of the walls to protect them from rain water. Stone was not used in the construction of the walls because of its poor thermal properties.

Figure 11: Typical house

The disparity in economic and political power between the Ksars was pronounced by, and resulted in divisions along ethnic, religious and cultural lines supporting a distinct lineage, whereby Ksars were eventually identified by family. At the interior of the Ksar there was a social hierarchy where the nobility and religious authorities occupied the top tier. Lineage, perhaps played the greatest role in determining wealth and power. The three distinct classes include: Shorfa; those who claim to be descendents of the prophet; Aouam (commons), the Berbers; and Haratins, the descendents of black slaves.(Figuig Interviews, 2005)

Intermarriage between members of different Ksars was not accepted and extremely rare. While it is unheard of for a Haratin individual to marry outside of the Haratin class, there were few cases where an individual from the Shorfa married a member of the Aouam. Until recently marriage across Ksars was more reprehensible than marriage across ethnic lines within the same Ksar (Marriage outside of Figuig was unheard of). The main reason was for fear of wealth transfer from one Ksar to another through inheritance, mainly of water rights which were often at the center of bloody disputes between the Ksars.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) Thus, relations between Ksars were limited to administrative necessities and commercial viability.

These Ksars remain in place today each with a pronounced ethnic and social heritage distinct from its neighbors in the oasis. Each of the seven Ksars is further distinguished by their location on the upper and lower plains. A balance of power among these emerged as the inhabitants of the plains, and the inhabitants of the plateau organized themselves to establish power politically, socially, culturally, economically, and physically. The resulting competitiveness, however, resulted in a drive for power that supported a culture of productivity.

The Ksar itself remains a political entity, whereby each maintains its political identity with a mini-jmaâ (assembly). This administrative, decision-making council is comprised of a representative body of prominent individuals from each family in the Ksar. These individuals preside over issues affecting the Ksar. The Ksar jmaâ is composed of representatives of each Ksar who are appointed for life terms. The number of representatives appointed by each Ksar varies relative to its prominence. Zenaga’s jmaâ, for example, has nine representative council members.(Figuig interviews, 2005)

The jmaâ is responsible for the appointment of judges (cadis). The cadis, in turn are responsible for administering common law as is drawn mainly from the Sunni branch of Islamic law. These judges also provide insight and advice to representatives of the Jmaâ of the Ksar.

The Jmaâ became the main social, political, and economic body that governed Figuig. Figure 12 shows the town square where the Jmaâ held its meetings publicly until recently. The square is also called Jmaâ. In an effort to remain transparent the Jmaâ acts as arbiter in a public hearing with respect to all issues with the exception of those involving civil law.

The local cadi (judge) is charged with presiding over legal disputes involving shariâ (Islamic law) and orf (tradition and customs).

Figure 12: Jmaâ square where Jmaâ held meetings

Traditionally, there were numerous cadis in each Ksar. This changed when the central government of Morocco tightened its control over Figuig after Morocco declared its independence from France. As the King attempted to expand his influence only one cadi, appointed by dahir (King’s executive order), was charged with administering civil law throughout Figuig. The other cadis then focused their attention on the internal affairs of their respective Ksars. This system has supported the political independence of each Ksar, while reducing the political leverage of Figuig as a whole.

While each council member of the Ksar presides over issues relevant to its respective Ksar, a general assembly of all the Ksar council members preside over issues that extended beyond the jurisdiction of any single Ksar. Council sessions took place in the Jmaâ, in a clearing at the center of Figuig declared as neutral territory. This is also the location where election polling takes place. Decisions made by the general assembly were binding on all the Ksars. These decision become law, however, only when sanctioned by a supreme counsel composed of marabouts (saints) and chiefs of Zaouias (Zaouia is a religious organization that acted similarly to a tribe). Many dynasties in Morocco originated as Zaouias.

History

Figure 13: Prehistoric cave drawing (Abbou, 2005)

Archaeological evidence, including cave engravings (Figure 13) suggest that Figuig has been inhabited since as early as 5000bc, when the Sahara is thought to have been green. Though its history is poorly documented, most historians agree that Figuig was first settled by the Zenete Berbers who aggregated in small concentrations in mountain passes throughout the region (Benchrifa et al., 1992). The area eventually became home to numerous nomadic tribes including Beni Guil, Amour, Daoui Mania, Ouled Sidi Cheikh, and some factions of Hamyan. Other tribes, from the Hogar, Sanhaja, settled along the River Zouzfana and eventually settled in lower Figuig making it home. The Ksar of Zenaga (a linguistic derivative of Sanhaja, pronounced sanaga) was established, and eventually dominated Lower Figuig.

By channeling surface waters into an irrigation system supported by souaguis (canals), typical of Morocco, and living in concentrations around springs, including Tzadert (the largest spring), they were able to survive and prosper for what is assumed to be a period of thousands of years. The geographical location of the passes along the rivers Zouzfana-El-Hallouf, Tagla and the Melias, situated along the Jebel (mountain) Znaga to Ksar Beni Ounif in Algeria in the northern Sahara, allowed it to enjoy political independence for centuries, or even millennia (Abbou interviews, 2005).

To develop and secure its survival Zenaga eventually dug into the rocky cliff to build foggaras, that would redirect the water flow from the largest spring, Tzadert, toward the lower lands. The community was then able to develop and prosper with its prolific water source.

During the 11^th century Figuig was transformed into an urban center as the family of Cheikh Aissa ben Abderrahmane, a cherif of the Idrisside dynasty declared the “country of Figuig” home (Hilali, 1981). The family had fled from Fez to the “frontier” to escape persecution. It assembled a strong coalition of federated groups among the nomads, mostly of the Zenete tribe, to become a socially, geographically, and politically independent “country”.(Hilali, 1981)

The Ben Abderrahmane family and its coalition partners established strong ties to Fez, the economic and cultural hub of its time. The people of Figuig began to travel to Fez and study at El Quaraouine University, the first known university, worldwide. At the same time, commerce with Fez also flourished and Figuig was able to import artesanal crafts such as advanced iron work, jewelry making, and leather work. Figuig’s relationship with Fez became so strong that during the Spanish inquisition, many Jews who had escaped to Fez eventually settled in Figuig. These joined the Berber Jews who had established themselves in Figuig some 2000 years before (Goblot, 1979).

By borrowing foggaras technology, from Zenaga, to access underground artesian water resources the newly arrived Arab population formed the Ksar Oudaghir along the highland plateau. The Oudaghir became very powerful within Figuig and presented a new threat to Zenaga’s dominant political position (Maziane, 1988).

Conflict between Zenaga and the Oudaghir over issues of water rights and access were pervasive. Each accused the other of depriving its community of water, Zenaga by channeling the flow to their advantage, and Oudaghir by trying to block the water flow into Zenaga. The two powerful Ksars were in constant conflict as each accused the other of interfering with the water source. These conflicts resulted in fierce, and often bloody disputes.

In the 17^th Century the Ksar of Oudaghir taking advantage of its sherifian roots (descendents of the prophet Mohammed are called sherifians) and ties to Fez, solicited the Makhzen (central government of Morocco) to help them defeat Zenaga. This met with little success. Rather, the Makhzen took advantage of the opportunity for it to exercise its influence on Figuig, after years of central state authority being shunned by the self-reliant, independent oasis.

To maintain an authoritative presence in Figuig the Makhzen of Almohades sent the army of Ouled Jaber to Figuig and supplanted them around Tzadert, depriving both Zenaga and Oudaghir of water resources. Neither Ksar had the capability of challenging Ouled Jaber and the Almohade army. The eventual demise of the Almohade dynasty eventually resulted in Ouled Jaber losing Makhzen support (Benali, 1987).

In the interim the two competing Ksars joined forces to defend their established water rights. By acting as one powerful front they were eventually able to disperse the new Ksar in 1782 (El Hachemi, 1907). Once this outside force was defeated Ksars began a new series of infighting and eventually revived their previously adversarial relationship once again.

The oasis remained dynamic, nonetheless, during this period as a number of new tribes settled in Figuig. The oasis was molded by the conflicts among Ksars throughout the 18^th and 19^th century. Accordingly, the population of the lower basin (Zenaga) eventually gained the upper hand politically and hydrologically. The Ksar of Zenaga continued to grow as it absorbed other groups that came to Figuig (Berbers and Arabs alike).

Zenaga became dependant on the water of Tzadert which originated in the upper plateau, the Oudaghir territory. By gaining in number and power it was able to form a more influential front against Oudaghir to gain greater access to the water source. The contending interests resulted in a constant state of political and social competition that occasionally resulted in physical confrontation with one another. The resulting power balance has continued and influenced much of the history of Figuig.(Figuig Interviews, 2005)

Other Ksars eventually built their own foggaras to enable them to survive on the upper plateau (Oulad Slimane, El Maïz, Hammam Fougani, Hammam Tahtani, Laâbidate). The changes in infrastructure and power balance are significant in the evolutionary history of Figuig. The divisive factions resulted in 7 Ksars, these include: Oudaghir, Ouled Slimane, Oulad Lamaiz, Laabidate, Hammam al fougani, Hammam al tahtani, and Zenaga, and with separate palm groves as a result of the process of vying for resource control. Throughout modern history, powerful Ksars of Figuig attacked those that were socially, politically, and economically weaker to gain greater control of the water (Abbou interviews, 2005). The latter, would eventually surrender and leave the area or integrate into one of the established Ksars with whom they identified socially and politically.

This further complicated the political balance and disputes over water ownership and access. As water from springs is considered private property the issue of where the ownership originates provided for constant debate and even enduring hostilities.

Zenaga and Oudaghir took the rare step of referring an enduring water dispute again to the central court in Fez on two occasions, in 1865 and 1877. Zenaga claimed that Oudaghir was blocking the flow of water to Zenaga by sabotaging the foggara. Oudaghir claimed that water flow from Tzadert was dropping due to the foggara that was built by Zenaga. The court ruled in favor of Zenaga acknowledging their right to use the foggara while forbidding Oudaghir from any action that would prevent the water from flowing freely. The two factions agreed to devise a mutually sustaining solution by digging a trench and splitting the water flow in 2 to feed both Oudaghir and Zenaga. While this move seems to contradict Figuig’s drive for independence, it reveals a balance in governance and institutional support within and between Ksars and the national government of Morocco.

In 1912, France extended its power beyond its Algerian border and declared itself protectorate of Morocco. To secure its political control throughout the country Morocco was carefully divided into geographically defined regions and its border with Algeria clearly delineated. This provided for a new system of governance with well defined units of political control throughout the country. Whereby the King of Morocco tended to limit his control to the prosperous urban centers while leaving the rural communities a great deal of independence, the French authority extended its reach beyond the urban centers and into rural communities. The French, however were able to maintain influence but limit their control of local institutions. Such political reach could now reign in the powers of local communities beyond the economic and commercial centers.

Post Colonial Figuig

French colonialism had a significant impact on Figuig on many fronts, including political, social and economic. As France declared itself a protectorate of Morocco, it extended the arm of government into every region to gain greater control of the country’s affairs and subsequent influence. Upon its departure from Morocco it provided a platform in the form of modern administrative infrastructure, strong police and a solid army with which the King, for the first time in Moroccan history, could expand his influence and extended his reign of power. As a result local governance bodies were dissolved to be replaced by administrators appointed from Rabat.

Local institutions that provided social, political, and legal cohesion and continuity were dissolved replaced by processes consistent with other communities. The new bureaucratic administration followed policies and procedures designed by the national political establishment in Rabat. While the legal structure incorporated a newly appointed community judge to administer the law that supported local precedent the institutions that perpetuated and developed norms and procedures, as the law was uncodified, could not inform the new system. Subsequently, a society that developed important institutions to support its needs, and was concomitantly influenced by these found itself disassociated. Moreover, the important changes that were taking place on the social, political and legal front could not be mitigated by a cohesive community and supporting institutions. Rather, the new system was characterized by control and fragmentation as opposed to cooperation and balance.(Figuig Interviews, 2005)

As the Water Council no longer existed, the water resources management system and corresponding social and political institutional balance no longer supported a water culture. As the newly established administrative system applied rules and processes, and was unable or unwilling to effectively incorporate history, tradition and social value that supported the needs and goals of the community. The value and subsequent influence of water in supporting the evolution of an effective, balanced governance system was not adequately incorporated into the new management system.

Further, the impact of the French departure was immediately felt upon the definition and closure of the Algerian border. It divided the “country of Figuig” in half, as much of it extended to its bordering neighbor country. This severed its main commerce routes and deprived many families from access to their farm lands that lay beyond the border. Figure 14 shows Figuig, today, and the city of Beni Ounif, in modern Algeria (seen between the two mountains), which was an integral part of Figuig, now out of reach as a result of the border closure.

Figure 14: The other side of the border

On the economic front, the construction of roads and other infrastructure improvements brought the region, logistically, closer to national and international commercial trading zones. This dramatically influenced the local economy. While it facilitated import and export—its limited resources could not allow for a dramatic increase in productivity to keep up with a new level of demand for local products. Goods could, now, be more easily imported. However, as the caravan trade was interrupted by the closure of the Algerian border making Figuig the “end of the road” as opposed to a “stop” along the route it became increasingly economically isolated.

Modern industries that were previously unknown to the local populations were created in Algeria and throughout Morocco. Subsequently, demand for labor in urban areas of Algeria, Morocco and France created an outflow of the most able men from Figuig and other rural areas. As a result the farms remained in the hands of elders, women and children. Local artisans closed shop due to the lack of merchants passing through and the influx of imported goods and the lack of able labor available to replace older workers. Many of the functions and traditions that were transferred from generation to generation for hundreds of years were quickly lost to history.(Figuig Interviews, 2005)

Those who emigrated to France left families in Figuig, behind, sending earnings home to support the farms that had survived independently for generations. A new social class with significant relative wealth was born. A new culture that parted with sophist traditions found new report for wealth. Their dramatically increased buying power, allowed emigrants to afford luxuries that were traditionally foreign to Figuig. Moreover, this new wealth, in combination with new attitudes, and a limited appreciation for conservative resource use and a lack of important institutions to encouraged behaviors that supported the environment and sustainability brought about unchecked development. The fragile supply and demand balance that had sustained Figuig throughout its history was dramatically offset. Most resources mainly land and water had been priced according to local salaries. With this new found wealth people built larger houses on the outskirts of the city, dug wells and planted imported crops that were not native to Figuig, including bananas and pistachios.

As the urban centers of Morocco were witnessing explosive developments, during the decades of the sixties through eighties, many families left Figuig, the majority settling in Oujda and Casablanca. Many farms were abandoned and most shops closed. Figuig’s population included mainly elders and families that did not have the means to emigrate. As emigrants to both France and urban Morocco maintained strong ties to Figuig, the population of Figuig swelled during vacation seasons and holidays.

The central government of Morocco kept infrastructure projects in Figuig to a strict minimum as the King continued to express his displeasure with the population of Figuig for traditionally not demonstrating the expected allegiance to the throne. The community struggled with the loss of their cultural heritage of independence. Many in the community were implicated in an arms smuggling ring that brought weapons from Algeria to support the failed uprising of 1973 against the King. King Hassan II conducted a ruthless military sweep across Morocco, Figuig endured particularly harsh treatment.

The emigration out of Figuig slowed dramatically in the eighties and nineties in the midst of a national economic recession. A growing backlash against immigrants from North Africa, by the French, further changed the climate for expatriates. As a result, the community of Figuig was reorganized to stimulate the local economy and revive the culture that was repressed for some time. New cultural centers to teach new trades and promote local crafts were established. A number of individuals, mostly retiring from work abroad, created new modern farm cooperatives on the outskirts of Figuig that established new water systems supported by a program that sought alternative water sources within the community.

With a lack of institutional supports embedded in history and tradition that perpetuated knowledge of appropriate farming techniques and water conservation farmers and other land owners have begun to exploit the new water source inefficiently. Farming techniques that rely on excessive water use are imposing new stresses on a limited supply of water resources. While the ground water source may be distinct from the springs the hydrologic system is burdened by a lack of sufficient institutions and social controls to support culture of conservation, thus sustainability among all water users.

While Figuig’s population has since remained relatively constant the community, with little commercial viability of its own, has changed while the underlying governance institutions that allowed it to survive for so many generations have been neglected or disbanded. The challenge to maintain a balance among social, cultural, technological, political and environmental interests has become a central issue. There is speculation that the balance that allowed for a sustainable community and environment for so long has been offset to the point of no return and many are concerned about the prospects of the Oasis’ survival.

After the death of King Hassan II in 1999, his son Mohammed VI made a historical gesture by visiting Figuig to show that the wrath of the throne had passed. As a result Figuig was named to the list of endangered National Heritage Sites and funds and increased attention were, subsequently, allocated by the government to support a process of reviving the community and preserving the Oasis. Today Figuig and Rabat are working, though with meager resources, to solve the problem of water by looking to alternative water sources and reviving the use of effective water institutions to support effient water use.(Ait Kadi Interview, 2005).

Figuig’s rich history and culture, and political and physical independence, along with its complex social and technological structures in a natural environment with scarce water resources proved sustainable for millennia. An understanding of its successes and failures in maintaining sustainable institutions and physical systems that allowed the community to survive in such a fragile environment and its subsequent demise is important to us on many fronts. The oasis of Figuig, consequently, presents itself as a compelling story to learn from and an important one to tell. In this case we have chosen to focus on the underlying issues supporting or detracting for sustainable water resources management institutions.